Nestle

Last edited by Tonya Hennessey on September 25, 2008 - 12:54pm
Company Snapshot: 

Nestlé is a multinational packaged food company founded and headquartered in Vevey, Switzerland. It results from a merger in 1905 between the Anglo-Swiss Milk Company for milk products established by the Page Brothers in Cham, Switzerland, in 1866 and the Farine Lactée Henri Nestlé Company set up in 1867 by Henri Nestlé to provide an infant food product. Several of Nestlé's brands are globally renowned, which made the company a global market leader in many product lines, including milk, chocolate, confectionery, bottled water, coffee, creamer, food seasoning and pet foods. The company stock is listed on the SWX Swiss Exchange. Some of Nestlé's business practices have been considered unethical, especially the manner in which infant formula has been marketed in developing countries, which led to the Nestlé boycott from 1977.

Ownership status: 
Publicly traded
Number of employees worldwide: 
305,000
Chief executive officer: 
Peter Brabeck-Letmathe
2008 Global Fortune 500 rank: 
57
Tel: 
+41-21-924-2596
Fax: 
+41-21-922-6334
Corporate accountability
Accountability overview: 

Infant Formula Boycott

Groups including INFACT and activist Catholic nuns led a boycott of Nestle products as a result of the company's marketing of infant formula in Africa and elsewhere in the Third World. The campaign eventually led to the WHO/UNICEF Code for Marketing Breastmilk Substitutes, which was finally adopted by the World Health Assembly in 1981. Passage of the Code has largely eliminated the practice of hiring local women to don nurses outfits and pose as "health nurses" to "educate" the public about infant formula products. However, other forms of advertising such as billboards remain a problem in many parts of the world.

The WHO/UNICEF Code calls for banning public advertising (including free samples) directly or indirectly through health care facilities and prohibiting company personnel from acting as advisers to mothers. It also forbids gifts to health care workers--from pens and notepads to conferences and social events--and states that pamphlets and brochures must contain only factual information about the product.

The Code requires that all artificial feeding instructions be written in the native language and detail the benefits of breastfeeding and the hazards of artificial feeding and calls for an end to the promotion of products unsuitable for babies, stating that all products must be high quality and take into account local climate and storage conditions.

In the 1940s, responding to legitimate concerns regarding infant malnutrition associated with milk allergies and mothers who were unable to nurse adequately, marketers of infant formula began to distribute their product in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Over time, marketing tactics became increasingly aggressive. Some were arguably misleading, suggesting formula-fed babies were healthier than those who were breast-fed and that formula feeding was more socially appropriate, or "modern" than breast feeding.

In 1993 the Catholic Institute for International Relations estimated that one million infant deaths per year can be prevented by using the world's most economical and effective health protection: breastmilk. The reasons for the deaths associated with formula include exposure to contaminated water, the high cost of formula for poor families, lactose intolerance, and reduced immunological benefits.

In 1974, Mike Muller wrote a pamphlet called "The Baby Killer" that was published by a London-based nonprofit activist group, War on Want -- a group concerned with hunger, poverty, and other problems of the Third World. The pamphlet was translated and distributed all over Europe. It singled out Nestle, the largest marketer of infant formula in Third World nations, and a number of its advertising and other promotional tactics for special attention.

Nestle filed a libel lawsuit in Switzerland against the Third World Action Group (Arbeitgruppe Dritte Welt, or AgDW), which translated the pamphlet into German (Nestle Totet Babys) for distribution in Germany, Switzerland, and Austria.

Nestle originally sued on four counts: (1) the title; (2) the charge of immoral and unethical practices; (3) the accusation that Nestle is responsible for the death or damage of babies through its sales promotion policy; and (4) the accusation that they dress their saleswomen as nurses in order to give misleading scientific credibility. By the time the issue went to court, Nestle had dropped the last three charges.

The judge found AgDW guilty of libel on a technicality: "The adequate causal connection between the sale or any other type of distribution of powdered milk and the death of infants fed with such products is interrupted by the action of third parties, for which the complainant, in terms of criminal law, cannot be held responsible." In other words, because it was the mothers who actually fed their babies the infant formula, Nestle could not be called killers. (See Gabrielle Palmer, "The Politics of Breastfeeding" (London: Pandora, 1993), p. 236).

The defendants were charged a token 300 Swiss francs (about $ 150), and the judge took the opportunity to state that Nestle marketing practices went considerably further in developing countries than they did in the industrialized world, and that if the company did not want to answer to other similar charges in the future, it had best take a hard look at its marketing practices. In other words, while Nestle won the suit, it lost the larger public relations battle.

The next year (1977) ICCR (Interfaith Centre for Corporate Responsibility), a group that monitors church investments, founded INFACT (Infant Formula Action Coalition), which launched an organized boycott against Nestle, the largest seller of infant formula and breastmilk substitutes. An International Nestle Boycott Committee (INBC) joined in the announcement, effecting a worldwide boycott of Nestle products.

The boycott included all products made by Nestle. A great deal of support for the boycott came from churches, whose missionary work brought them into direct contact with developing countries. INFACT demanded that Nestle stop all promotion of baby formula, give up milk nurses, stop giving out free samples, and do no direct advertising.

Nestle was not the only company criticized for marketing infant formula products in the Third World, but it was the largest. The Third World infant formula market was estimated to be approximately $ 1.2 billion in sales in 1990. with Nestle accounting for about 40% of that.

In addition to the boycott, INFACT helped to move the issue into the political arena. Congress was deluged with mail, leading Senator Edward Kennedy, chair of the Senate Subcommittee on Health and Scientific Research, to hold hearings on the promotion and use of infant formula in developing countries. By 1981, the International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes was adopted by the World Health Assembly (WHA) by 118 votes to 1. The United States cast the sole negative vote, contending that regulations on the marketing of baby foods interfered with free enterprise. In protest, several US officials resigned their posts in the Reagan administration. Subsequently, both the Senate and House of Representatives voted overwhelmingly to support the Code. While this vote demonstrated the support of the legislative branch for the Code, it had no impact on the official position of the United States in the World Health Organization vote. The vote against the Code remained on the record in WHA for the next 13 years.

By 1988 it was clear that many companies continued to give free supplies to hospitals and clinics throughout the world and, in protest, the Nestle boycott was resumed.

Eventually, a series of events led to the resolution of the U.S. boycott. Nestle finally recognized that a different sort of initiative was needed and formed the Nestle Coordinating Council on Nutrition in the United States.

The Methodist Task Force held a series of meetings with Nestle and other industry representatives, and conducted on-site investigations in several Third World nations. The effort led to the formation of the Nestle Infant Formula Audit Commission (NIFAC) in 1982. Chaired by the late U.S. Senator Edmond Muskie, began to investigate complaints about Nestle. Based on a Statement of Understanding issued by Nestle and approved by INFACT, the U.S. Nestle boycott was formally terminated in early 1984.

In 1986, the World Health Assembly (WHA)--the top feeding experts in the world--met and agreed that free supplies undermined breastfeeding and damaged infant health. Consequently, WHA Resolution 39.28 was adopted to clarify the Code's directions on free supplies by banning them from hospital maternity wards. For the rare baby who could not be given breastmilk, hospitals were directed to purchase the formula needed just as they would purchase any other product needed for hospital use.

Despite its 1984 promise, Nestle ignored the 1986 WHA Resolution. The company claimed that individual governments should draw up their own policies. Even those that had such policies found it difficult to combat company tactics. In the Philippines, which implemented the Resolution by making free supplies illegal, Nestle and other companies got around the law by "selling" formula to hospitals and never collecting payment. The Formula Fix, a film produced by Four Corners for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (1989).

In June 1988, INFACT requested that Nestle indicate its intent to implement the 1986 Resolution. Nestle refused, so by fall the second Nestle boycott was launched in Canada, Germany, and the United States. In March 1989, Ireland, Norway, and the United Kingdom started their boycotts; and by 1990, France, Finland, Mauritius, Mexico, the Philippines, and Sweden had joined. By February 1991 the boycott had reached Nestle's home country, Switzerland.

Labor: 

In addition to the boycott related to Nestle's marketing of infant formula in the Global South, Nestle has also been the target of criticism for its use of cocoa beans harvested by forced child labor in West Africa. Since 2000, the chocolate industry has been under scrutiny for using cocoa beans from West Africa (especially Cote d'Ivoire) where children are forced to labor for long, punishing hours, using dangerous tools and facing frequent exposure to dangerous pesticides as they travel great distances in the grueling heat. Trafficking of children onto cocoa plantations has also been reported. Nestle, Cargill and Archer Daniels Midland have been the focus of an ongoing lawsuit in U.S. courts filed by International Rights Advocates using the Torture Victims Protection Act and the Alien Tort Claims Act.

Examples of Nestlé's Anti-Union Stance

  • Interference in union elections; harassment, intimidation & dismissal of nominee for union president:

At the Nestlé Milkpak Factory in Kabirwala, Pakistan, the Nestlé Employees Union fought a 12-month battle in the courts to end management interference in union elections and stop management’s intimidation and harassment of the candidate for union president, Mr. Mohammad Hussein Bhatti. From August 2006 to June 2007 the management at the Nestlé Kabirwala factory interfered in union elections by overturning the election results and dismissed the elected union president, Mr. Bhatti, who has worked at the Kabirwala factory since 1992. In addition, management fabricated signatures in court petitions and violated a series of court orders. In violation of a Court order protecting Mr. Bhatti from dismissal, he was fired on 24 November 2006. Mr. Bhatti was reinstated by the Court and won the union election on 27 February 2007, despite being refused entry into the factory. Management continued to prevent him from entering the factory and petitioned in court for his dismissal. It was only through the ruling of the Punjab Labour Court No. 9 on 28 July 2007 that management was finally forced to respect the right to free union elections and end its harassment of the elected union president.

  • Closures and mass lay-offs

When workers arrived at the Nestlé ice cream factory in Santo Domingo for the morning shift on 19 June 2008 they found their factory surrounded by security guards, police officers - and ambulances and paramedics. The workers were herded into the parking lot where they were told that the factory was being shut down with immediate effect. Then their severance cheques were handed out. That's it - the factory was closed!

  • Illegal mass dismissal of union officers; false promotion of union members to non-union positions

On 16 February 2007 Nestlé Philippines declared a mass redundancy of sales force workers, targeting union officers and shop stewards in the Union of Nestlé Employees (UNE- Makati) and the Union of Nestlé Philippines Employees Sales and Offices (UNPESO), both members of the Council of Filipino Nestlé Unions (CFNU). Management set February 23 as the deadline for agreeing to the redundancy package - only 5 days after the shock announcement. To pressure union officers and members into accepting redundancy, management declared that anyone who signs within five days of the announcement would get 2.5%, while anyone after the deadline would get the standard 1.5% package. Management did not give formal notice to the workers according to the Labor Code before the implementation of the redundancy, which requires one month notice. Automatically all the workers on the list of proposed redundancies were not authorized to go inside the premises of the company effective February 16, 2006 - the same day that the redundancy notices were issued. In the Union of Nestlé Philippines Employees Sales and Offices (UNPESO) redundancy notices were given to 13 union members and 8 union officers - including the union president. In the Union of Nestlé Employees (Makati), redundancy notices were issued to 9 union members, 5 union officers, as well as 2 union Board Members and 2 Shop Stewards. Earlier in the year manage transferred more than 50 members of UNE to so-called "specialist" positions that involved no change in their work, but excluded them from union membership.

  • Violating the right to collective bargaining

For a year management at Nestlé Russia's chocolate factory in Perm refused to negotiate a wage increase through the collective bargaining process. Workers' purchasing power has been drastically eroded through the rampant inflation of basic necessities, and it is widespread practice for workers at the plant to sell blood in order to supplement their income. In response to union requests for wage negotiations, plant management and Nestlé Russia Human Resources management have repeatedly contended that it is company policy to exclude wages from any form of collective bargaining.

The signing of the national Collective Bargaining Agreement between Nestlé Malaysia and the Food Industry Employees Union, covering union members in all seven Nestlé worksites in the country, was deadlocked for more than two and a half years because of management’s refusal to bargain in good faith. The deadlock ended when the Industrial Court ruled on 23 July 2007 that Nestlé Malaysia management has “no case” and wage increases backdated to 31 December 2004 were awarded by the court.

  • Poverty wages and extreme working hours

Collective agreement negotiations at Nestlé Fiji remain deadlocked after more than two years as management refuses to make any serious offers in response to union proposals made back in 14 November 2005. These claims include paid union leave (an established trade union right), a reduction in working hours to a 40-week and a living wage above the poverty line. The majority of the plant's 200 workers earn less than 2.75 Fiji dollars (FJD), or USD 1.59 hourly. The official poverty line is estimated at FJD 3.50 or a net weekly take home pay of FJD 143. In September 2006, Nestlé Fiji made an offer of an increase of just FJD 0.72 per day, less than the cost of a loaf of bread (FJD 0.85). That was the first and last offer made by the company. Faced with the tremendous pressure of deadlocked negotiations for two years and subtle threats regarding the viability of the Fiji plant if wages are raised, the union, represented by Fiji Sugar General Workers Union, demonstrated its good faith in bargaining by revising its demands. Yet Nestlé management rejected the union's revised demands and no agreement has been reached.

A three-day strike by 200 workers at Nestle Hong Kong's ice cream and chilled products factory in July 2008 exposed the appalling working conditions in the world's largest food manufacturing company. This includes 17-hour workdays, wage increases over the past 12 years amounting to just one percent, and the systematic denial of permanent employment for casual workers despite working at the factory for more than 10 years. For more than a decade a third of the workforce at Nestle Hong Kong have been employed under precarious employment practices that deliberately bypass the legal requirement that a worker be made permanent after employment of more than 12 months. Casual workers were placed on revolving 12 month contracts, and to prevent them from achieving permanent employment status under the law Nestle Hong Kong management imposed a 14-day break between each contract. As a result workers were robbed of any employment security and were deliberately denied the rights, protection and benefits enjoyed by permanent workers under the law.

If Nestle followed 1991 Supreme Court ruling on inclusion of retirement benefits in collective bargaining, then "Brother Forte may not have been murdered" - the Council of Filipino Nestle Unions (CFNU):

In a recent meeting with Reme Montavon, consultant to Nestle CEO and President, Brabeck, the Council of Filipino Nestle Unions (CFNU) reiterated their position concerning the killing of Brother Diosdado Fortuna who was shot by unidentified gunmen on 22 September 2005 while he was on his way home from the factory picket line. In a meeting with Montavon in January 2006, Brother Billy Barsumo, President of the CFNU, expressed "support for our Cabuyao brothers”, telling Montavon that negotiations on the Non Contributory Retirement Plan should be included in collective bargaining. Brother Barsumo also challenged company claims that Nestle unions in the Philippines agreed to discuss Non Contributory Retirement Plan issues outside CBA negotiations. Such an agreement was based on the ‘ground rules' for negotiating only one CBA cycle, and so it is legitimate for the issue to be raised again in CBA negotiations. More importantly, the ground rules for CBA negotiations can "in no way it can supercede a Supreme Court Decision."

The President of UNPESO, a member of the IUF-affiliated Council of Filipino Nestle Unions (CFNU), also challenged Montavon on this point. When asked by Montavon whether the union believes Nestle ordered the killing of Forte, Brother Jose Maria Dela Fuente responded: "… if the NCRP [Non Contributory Retirement Plan] was only given utmost importance and consideration, maybe he would not have been murdered.”

The KMU-affiliated union has been on strike since January 2002 in a dispute over bringing retirement benefits within the collective bargaining process, which Nestlé management rejects. In 1991 the Supreme Court upheld a 1989 ruling by the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC) of the Department of Labor of Employment (DOLE) mandating retirement benefits as valid issues to be dealt with in collective bargaining negotiations. The ruling was made in reference to the earlier 1987 strike at Nestle Cabuyao.

Location(s)

Swiss HQ
Avenue Nestle 55 CH-1800
Vevey, VD
Switzerland (Confoederatio Helvetica)